PART I. Gender analysis of parliamentary and presidential elections
INTRODUCTION. Attempt at problem justification .
CHAPTER 1. History and theory .
1. Historical roots .
2. Theoretical approaches .
3. Potential strategies of gender-focused institutional changes
4. Gender equality in the context of Russian politics
CHAPTER 2. 2007 parliamentary elections
1. Gender analysis of lists of candidates to the State Duma
2. Election programs of political parties: gender component.
3. Election results. Gender composition of the Fifth RF State Duma.
CHAPTER 3. 2008 presidential elections
1. Nomination for participation in the campaign
2. Candidate programs and statements
3. Gender results of the 2007-2008 election cycle
CHAPTER 4. Voting behavior:
gender disparity attributes and sustainability
1. Parliamentary elections, 2007
2. Presidential elections, 2008
3. Prospects of eliminating gender disparity
ЧАСТЬ II. Working one`s way up
1. Women in top echelons of Russian power
(as per results of parliamentary and presidential elections of 2007-2008).
Administration of RF President
Heads of Russian regions
Federation Council of the RF Federal Assembly
Fifth State Duma of the RF Federal Assembly РФ
2. Women in parliaments of the world
3. Women`s rights and struggle against discrimination: data of international research
Gender analysis of parliamentary and presidential elections
Introduction. Attempt at problem justification
Russian readers may wonder at the name of this book that links two seemingly unrelated concepts such as "elections" and "gender profile". Clearly, elections are a major democratic institution, but where does "gender profile" and "gender" as such come here? However, the correlation of these concepts is quite appropriate in the light of modern trends in social sciences. Recent research helped reveal that gender is a central coordinating social principle, as it creates various social statuses, allots people their rights and responsibilities and establishes corridors of social opportunities. Gender as a constitutive element of social relations based on perceived differences between sexes, permeates all other public institutions - economic, social and political.
History reads that all institutions - legislation, politics, religion, state and economy - are, as a rule, gender-hierarchical: initially created by men, they are still dominated by men. However, history also demonstrates that definitions of "femininity" and "masculinity", norms and views based on gender differences and activities considered appropriate for men and for women change with the situation and with the context. Gender relations may reproduce domination and subjugation patterns, or else there emerges new gender equality logic typical for modern times. New rules emerge there and then where and when women enter public and political spheres previously closed to them. The emergence of new rules is linked to democratic development, relevant institutions, tools and procedures, including elections Male and female voting behavior largely predetermines evolving public trends and stable democratic processes. Newest history displays that the degree of gender equality in the election process - also in each of its constituent parts, i.e. the active right to vote and the passive right to be elected - is a vivid indicator of public democratization.
About a decade ago, on the eve of the 1999 and 2000 parliamentary and presidential elections, we undertook to explore how electoral institutions operate in Russia and whether they facilitate or impede the integration of gender equality (recognized by the acting RF Constitution) into national politics. We also wondered to what extent individual men and women of different age and education, rural or urban origin, were involved in the election process; what where their chances of running for and obtaining deputy`s mandates vs. representatives of the traditional nomenclature and new dynamic layers - business community or public interest groups, etc. Research findings were verified during gender analysis of the next, 2003-2004 parliamentary and presidential elections . This publication finalizes and generalizes the gender monitoring by supplementing data from 2007-2008 parliamentary and presidential elections.
In all three parts of the research we tried as much as possible to stick to similar parameters and to use similar resources: federal lists of candidates nominated by various political parties; party programs and elections agendas; election programs, speeches and presentations of presidential contenders; Central Election Commission materials, among them election legislation and official voting results; public opinion polls conducted by different sociological companies; biodata of women that obtained seats in parliament, etc.
Консорциум женских неправительственных объединений
Институт социологии РАН